As can be shown and from the redaction and that Mental Molestation of the innocent has not only been around longer then the United States is old, but that it was the british and theseof so in vain tired and from and with Needham it would be 1 + 1 that of one that evil.
FAREWELL ADDRESS.
September 17, 1796.
Friends and Fellow Citizens:
The period for a new election of a citizen to administer the executive government of the United States being not far distant,
and the time actually arrived when your thoughts must be employed in designating the person who is to be clothed with that
important trust, it appears to me proper, especially as it may conduce to a more distinct expression of the public voice, that I
should now apprize you of the resolution I have formed, to decline being considered among the number of those out of whom the
choice is to be made.
I beg you at the same time to do me the justice to be assured, that this resolution has not been taken without a strict regard to
all the considerations appertaining to the relation which binds a dutiful citizen to his country ; and that in withdrawing the tender
of service, which silence in my situation might imply, 1 am influenced by no diminution of zeal for your future interest ; no
deficiency of grateful respect for your past kindness ; but am supported by a full conviction that the step is compatible with
both. The acceptance of, and continuance hitherto in the office to which your suffrages have twice called me, have been an uniform
sacrifice of inclination to the opinion of duty, and to a deference
WASHINGTON S FAREWELL ADDRESS. 23
for what appeared to be your desire. I constantly hoped that it would have been much earlier in my power, consistently with
motives which I was not at liberty to disregard, to return to that retirement from which I had been reluctantly drawn. The
strength of my inclination to do this, previous to the last election, had even led to the preparation of an address to declare it to
you; but mature reflection on the then perplexed and critical posture of affairs with foreign nations, and the unanimous advice
of persons entitled to my confidence, impelled me to abandon the idea. I rejoice that the state of your concerns, external as well
as internal, no longer renders the pursuit of inclination incompatible with the sentiment of duty or propriety ; and am persuaded, whatever partiality may be retained for my services, that in the present circumstances of our country you will not disapprove of my determination to retire.
The impressions with which I first undertook the arduous trust, were explained on the proper occasion. In the discharge of this
trust, I will only say that I have, with good intentions, contributed towards the organization and administration of the government the best exertions of which a very fallible judgment was capable. Not unconscious, in the outset, of the inferiority of my
qualifications, experience in my own eyes, perhaps still more in the eyes of others, has strengthened the motives to diffidence of
myself; and, every day the increasing weight of years admonishes me more and more, that the shade of retirement is as necessary to me as it will be welcome. Satisfied that if any circumstances have given peculiar value to my services, they were
temporary, I have the consolation to believe, that while choice and prudence invite me to quit the political scene, patriotism does
not forbid it.
In looking forward to the moment which is to determinate the career of my political life, my feelings do not permit me to suspend the deep acknowledgment of that debt of gratitude which I owe to my beloved country for the many honors it has conferred upon me ; still more for the steadfast confidence with which it has supported me ; and for the opportunities I have thence enjoyed of manifesting my inviolable attachment, by services faithful and persevering, though in usefulness unequal to my zeal. If benefits have resulted to our country from these services, let it always be remembered to your praise, and as instructive example in our annals, that under circumstances in which the passions, agitated in every direction, were liable to mislead—amidst appearances sometimes dubious—vicissitudes of fortunes often discouraging—in situations in which not unfrequently want of sue26 Washington’s farewell address.
weight, influence, and the future maritime strength of the Atlantic side of the Union, directed by an indissoluble community of
interest as one nation. Any other tenure by which the lowest can hold this essential advantage, whether derived from its own separate strength, or from an apostate and unnatural connexion with any foreign power, must be intrinsically precarious.
While therefore every part of our country thus feels an immediate and particular interest in union, all the parts combined can-
not fail to find in the united mass of means and efforts, greater strength, greater resource, proportionably greater security from
external danger, a less frequent interruption of their peace by foreign nations ; and what is of inestimable value, they must de-
rive from union an exemption from those broils and wars between themselves, which so frequently afflict neighboring countries, not tied together by the same government, which their own rivalships alone would be sufficient to produce ; but which opposite foreign alliances, attachments, and intrigues, would stimulate and embitter. Hence, likewise, they will avoid the necessity of those overgrown military establishments, which under any form of government are inauspicious to liberty, and which are to be regarded as particularly hostile to republican liberty. In this sense it is, that your union ought to be considered as a main prop of your liberty, and that the love of the one ought to endear to you the preservation of the other.
These considerations speak a persuasive language to every reflecting and virtuous mind, and exhibit the continuance of the union as a primary object of patriotic desire. Is there a doubt whether a common government can embrace so large a sphere? Let experience solve it. To listen to mere speculation in such a case were criminal. We are authorized to hope that a proper organization of the whole, with the auxiliary agency of governments for the respective subdivisions, will afford a happy issue of the experiment. It is well worth a fair and full experiment. With such powerful and obvious motives to union, affecting all parts of our country, while experience shall not have demonstrated its impracticability, there will always be reason to distrust the patriotism of those who in any quarter may endeavor to weaken its bands.
In contemplating the causes which may disturb our union, it occurs as matter of serious concern that any ground should have
been furnished for characterizing parties, by geographical discriminations Northern and Southern; Atlantic and Western;
whence designing men may endeavor to excite a belief that there is a real difference of local interests and views.
One of the expedients of party to acquire influence within particular districts, is to misrepresent the opinions and aims of other districts. You cannot shield yourselves too much against the jealousies and heart-burnings which spring from these misrepresentations ; they
tend to render alien to each other those who ought to be bound together by fraternal affection. The inhabitants of our western
country have lately had a useful lesson on this head.
They have seen in the negotiation by the executive, and in the unanimous ratification by the senate of the treaty with Spain, and in the universal satisfaction at that event throughout the United States, a decisive proof how unfounded were the suspicions propagated among them of a policy in the general government, and in the Atlantic states, unfriendly to their interests in regard to the Mississippi.
They have been witnesses to the formation of two treaties, that with Great Britain, and that with Spain, which secure to them every thing they could desire, in respect to our foreign relations, towards confirming their prosperity. Will it not be their wisdom to rely for the preservation of these advantages on the union by which they were procured ? Will they not henceforth be deaf to those advisers, if such there are, who would sever them from their brethren and connect them with aliens 1 To the efficacy and permanency of your union, a government for the whole is indispensable.
No alliances, however strict, between the parts can be an adequate substitute ; they must inevitably experience the infractions and interruptions which alliances at all times have experienced. Sensible of this momentous truth, you have improved upon your first essay, by the adoption of a constitution of government, better calculated than your former for an intimate union, and for the efficacious management of your common concern.
This government, the offspring of your own choice, uninfluenced and unaware; adopted upon full investigation and mature deliberation ; completely free in its principles ; in the distribution of its powers uniting security with energy, and containing within itself provision for its own amendment, has a just claim to your confidence and your support. Respect for its authority, compliance with its laws, acquiescence inits measures, are duties enjoined by the fundamental maxims of true liberty. The basis of our political system is the right of the
people to make and to alter their constitutions of government.
But the constitution which at any time exists, until changed by an explicit and authentic act of the whole people, is sacredly ob-
ligatory upon all. The very idea of the power and the right of the the people to establish government, presupposes the duty of every
individual to obey the established government.
28 Washington’s farewell address.
All obstructions to the execution of the laws, all combinations
and associations, under whatever plausible character, with the real design to direct, control, counteract, or awe the regular de-
hberations and action of the constituted authorities, are destructive of this fundamental principle, and of fatal tendency. They
serve to organize faction ; to give it an artificial and extraordinary force; to put in the place of the delegated will of the nation, the will of party, often a small, but artful and enterprizing minority of the community; and according to the alternate triumphs of different parties, to make the public administration the mirror of the ill concerted and incongruous projects of faction, rather than the organ of consistent and wholesome plans, digested by common councils, and modified by mutual interests.
However combinations or associations of the above description may now and then answer popular ends, they are hkely, in the course of time and things, to become potent engines by which cunning, ambitious, and unprincipled men will be enabled to subvert the power of the people, and to usurp for themselves the reigns of government; destroying afterwards the very engines which have lifted them to unjust dominion.
Towards the preservation of your government, and the permanency of your present happy state, it is requisite not only that
you steadily discountenance irregular opposition to its acknowledged authority, but also that you resist with care the spirit of
innovation upon its principles, however specious the pretext.
One method of assault may be to affect in the forms of the constitution alterations which will impair the energy of the system,
and thus to undermine what cannot be directly overthrown. In all the changes to which you may be invited, remember that time
and habit are at least as necessary to fix the true character of governments, as of other human institutions ; that experience is
the surest standard by which to test the real tendency of the existing constitutions of a country ; that facility in changes upon
the credit, of mere hypothesis and opinion, exposes to perpetual change, from the endless variety of hypothesis and opinion ; and
remember especially, that from the efficient management of your common interests, in a country so extensive as ours, a gov-
ernment of as much vigor as is consistent with the perfect security of liberty, is indispensable. Liberty itself will find in such a
government, with powers properly distributed and adjusted, its surest guardian. It is, indeed, little else than a name, where the
government is too feeble to withstand the enterprizes of faction, to confine each member of society within the limits prescribed
WASHINGTON S FAREWELL ADDRESS. 29
by the laws, and to maintain all in the secure and tranquil enjoyment of the rights of person and property.I have already intimated to you the dangers of parties in the state, with particular reference to the founding of them upon geographical discriminations. Let me now take a more comprehensive view, and warn you, in the most solemn manner, against the baneful effects of the spirit of party generally.
This spirit, unfortunately, is inseparable from our nature, having its root in the strongest passions of the human mind. It exsts under different shapes in all governments, more or less stifled, controlled, or repressed ; but in those of the popular form it is seen in its greatest rankness, and is truly their worst enemy.
The alternate domination of one faction over another, sharpened by the spirit of revenge, natural to party dissention, which in different ages and countries has perpetrated the most horrid enormities, is itself a frightful despotism. But this leads at length to a more formal and permanent despotism. The disorders and miseries which result, gradually incline the minds of men to seek security and repose in the absolute power of an individual ; and, sooner or later, the chief of some prevailing faction, more able or more fortunate than his competitors, turns this disposition to the purposes of his own elevation on the ruins of the public liberty.
Without looking forward to an extremity of this kind, (which nevertheless ought not to be entirely out of sight,) the common
and continual mischiefs of the spirit of party are sufficient to make it the interest and duty of a wise people to discourage and
restrain it.
It serves always to distract the public councils, and enfeeble the
public administration. It agitates the community with ill-founded jealousies and false alarms ; kindles the animosity of one part
against another ; foments occasional riot and insurrection. It opens the door to foreign influence and corruption, which finds a
facilitated access to the government itself, through the channels of party passion. Thus the policy and will of one country arc
subjected to the policy and wnll of another.
There is an opinion that parties in free countries are useful checks upon the administration of the government, and serve to
keep alive the spirit of liberty. This, within certain limits, is probably true ; and in governments of a monarchical cast, patriot-
ism may look with indulgence, if not with favor, upon the spirit of party. But in those of popular character, in governments
purely elective, it is a spirit not to be encouraged. From the natural tendency, it is certain there will always be enough of that
30 WASHINGTON S FAREWELL ADDRESS.
spirit for every salutary purpose ; and there being constant danger of excess, the effort ought to be, by force of public opinion to
mitigate and assuage it. A fire not to quenched, it demands a uniform vigilance to prevent its bursting into a flame, lest, instead
of warming, it should consume.
It is important, likewise, that the habits of thinking, in a free country, should inspire caution in those intrusted with its admin-
istration, to confine themselves within their respective constitutional spheres ; avoiding, in the exercise of the powers of one de-
partment, to encroach upon another. The spirit of encroachment tends to consolidate the powers of all the departments in
one, and thus to create, whatever the form of government, a real despotism. A just estimate of that love of power, and prone-
ness to abuse it, which predominate in the human heart, is sufficient to satisfy us of the truth of this position. The necessity
of reciprocal checks in the exercise of political power, by dividing and distributing into different depositories, and constituting
each the guardian of the public weal against invasions of the other, has been evinced by experiments, ancient and modern ;
some of them in our country, and under our own eyes. To preserve them must be as necessary as to institute them. If, in
the opinion of the people, the distribution or modification of the constitutional powers be, in any particular wrong, let it be cor-
rected by an amendment in the way in which the constitution designates. But let there be no change by usurpation, for though
this, in one instance, may be the instrument of good, it is the customary weapon by which free governments are destroyed.
The precedent must always greatly overbalance, in permanent evil, any partial or transient benefit which the use can at any
time yield.
Of all the dispositions and habits which lead to political prosperity, religion and morality are indispensible supports. In vain
would that man claim the tribute of patriotism, who should labor to subvert these great pillars of human happiness—these firmest
props of the duties of men and citizens. The mere poHtician, equally with the pious man, ought to respect and cherish them.
A volume could not trace all their connexion with private and public felicity. Let it simply be asked, where is the security for
property, for reputation, for life, if the sense of religious obligation desert the oaths, which are the instruments of investigation
in courts of justice 1 And let us with caution indulge the supposition that morality can be maintained without religion. What-
ever may be conceded to the influence of refined education on minds of peculiar structure, reason and experience both forbid
Washington’s farewell address. 31
us to expect that national morality can prevail in exclusion of religious principles.It is substantially true that virtue or morality is a necessary spring of popular government. The rule indeed extends with more or less force to every species of free government. Who
that is a sincere friend to it can look with indifference upon attempts to shake the foundation of the fabric 1 Promote, then, as an object of primary importance, institutions for the general diffusion of knowledge. In proportion as the structure of a government gives force to public opinion, it is essential that public opinion should be enlightened.
As a very important source of strength and security, cherish public credit. One method of preserving it, is to use it as spa-
ringly as possible, avoiding occasions of expense by cultivating peace, but remembering, also, that timely disbursements to pre-
pare for danger, frequently prevent much greater disbursements to repel it ; avoiding likewise the accumulation of debt, not only
by shunning occasions of expense, but by vigorous exertions in time of peace to discharge the debts which unavoidable wars
have occasioned, not ungenerously throwing upon posterity the burden which we ourselves ought to bear.
The execution of these maxims belongs to your representatives ; but it is necessary that public opinion should co-operate. To facihtate to them the performance of their duty, it is essential that you should particularly bear in mind, that towards the payment of debts there must be revenue ; that to have revenue there must be taxes; that no taxes can be devised which are not more or less inconvenient and unpleasant ; that the intrinsic embarrassment, inseparable from the selection of the proper objects, (which is always a choice of difficulties,) ought to be a decisive motive for a candid construction of the conduct of the government in making it, and for a spirit
of acquiescence in the measures for obtaining revenue which the public exigencies may at any time dictate.
Observe good faith and justice towards all nations ; cultivate peace and harmony with all : religion and morality enjoin this conduct ; and can it be that good policy does not equally enjoin it ? It will be worthy of a free, enlightened, and at no distant period, a great nation, to give to mankind the magnanimous and too novel example of a people always guided by an exalted justice and benevolence. Who can doubt but that in the course of time and things the fruits of such a plan would richly repay any temporary advantages which might be lost by a steady adherence to it ? Can it be that Providence has connected the permanent felicity of a nation with its virtue ? The experiment, at least, is
From
WASHINGTON’S FAREWELL ADDRESS. 33
As avenues to foreign influence, in innumerable ways, such attachments are particularly alarming to the truly enlightened and independent patriot. How many opportunities do they afford to tamper with domestic factions, to practice the art of seduction, to mislead public opinion, to influence or awe the public councils! Such an attachment of a small or weak, towards a great and powerful nation, dooms the former to be the satellite of the latter.
Against the insidious wiles of foreign influence, (I conjure you to believe me, fellow citizens,) the jealousy of a free people ought to be constantly awake, since history and experience prove that foreign influence is one of the most baneful foes of re- publican government. But that jealousy, to be useful, must be impartial, else it becomes the instrument of the very influence to be avoided, instead of a defence against it.
Excessive partiality for one foreign nation, and excessive dislike for another, cause those whom they actuate to see danger only on one side, and serve to veil and even second the arts of influence on the other. Real patriots who may resist the intrigues of the favorite, are liable to become suspected and odious; while its tools and dupes usurp the applause and confidence of the people to surrender their interests.
The great rule of conduct for us, in regard to foreign nations, is, in extending our commercial relations, to have with them as little political connexion as possible. So far as we have already formed engagements, let them be fulfilled with perfect good faith. Here let us stop.
Europe has a set of primary interests, which to us have none, or a very remote relation. Hence, she must be engaged in frequent controversies, the causes of which are essentially foreign to our concerns. Hence, therefore, it must be unwise in us to implicate ourselves by artificial ties, in the ordinary vicissitude of her politics, or the ordinary combinations and collisions of her friendships or enmities.
Our detached and distant situation, invites and enables us to pursue a different course. If we remain one people, under an efficient government, the period is not far off when we may defy material injury from external annoyance; when we may take such an attitude as will cause the neutrality we may at any time resolve upon, to be scrupulously respected; when belligerent nations, under the impossibility of making acquisitions upon us, will not lightly hazard the giving us provocation; when we may choose peace or war, as our interest, guided by justice, shall counsel.
Why forego the advantages of so peculiar a situation ? Why quit our own to stand upon foreign ground ? Why, by inter-
weaving our destiny with that of any part of Europe, entangle our peace and prosperity in the toils of European ambition, rival-ship, interest, humor or caprice?
It is our true policy to steer clear of permanent alliances with any portion of the foreign world ; so far I mean, as we are now
at liberty to do it ; for let me not be understood as capable of patronizing infidelity to existing engagements.
I hold the maxim no less applicable to public than to private affairs, that honesty is always the best policy. I repeat, therefore, let those engagements be observed in their genuine sense. But in my opinion, it is unnecessary, and would be unwise to extend them.
Taking care always to keep ourselves, by suitable establishments, on a respectable defensive posture, we may safely trust to
temporary alliances for extraordinary emergencies.
Harmony, and a liberal intercourse with all nations, are recommended by policy, humanity, and interest. But even our commercial policy should hold an equal and impartial hand; neither seeking nor granting exclusive favors or preferences; consulting the natural course of things ; diffusing and diversifying by gentle means the stream of commerce, but forcing nothing; establishing with powers so disposed, in order to give trade a stable course, to define the rights of our merchants, and to enable the government to support them, conventional rules of intercourse, the best that present circumstances and natural opinion will permit, but temporary, and liable to be from time to time, abandoned or varied, as experience and circumstances shall dictate constantly keeping in view that it is folly in one nation to look for disinterested favors from another ; that it must pay with a portion of its independence for whatever it may accept under that character ; that by such acceptance, it may place itself in the condition of having given equivalents for nominal favors, and yet
of being reproached with ingratitude for not giving more.
There can be no greater error than to expect or calculate upon real favors from nation to nation. It is an illusion which experience must cure, which a just pride ought to discard. In offering to you, my countrymen, these counsels of an old affectionate friend, I dare not hope they will make the strong and lasting impression I could wish—that they will control the usual current of the passions, or prevent our nation from running the course which has hitherto marked the destiny of nations. But if I may even flatter myself that they may be productive of some partial benefit, some occasional good ; that they may now and then recur to moderate the fury of party spirit ; to warn against the mischief’s of foreign intrigue ; to guard against the
impostures of pretended patriotism ; this hope will be a full recompense for the solicitude for your welfare by which they have
been dictated. How far in the discharge of my official duties I have been guided by the principles which have been delineated, the public
records and other evidences of my conduct must witness to you and to the world. To myself, the assurance of my own conscience is, that I have at least believed myself to be guided by them.
In relation to the still subsisting war in Europe, my Proclamation of the 22d of April, 1793, is the index to my plan. Sanctioned by your approving voice, and by that of your representatives in both houses of Congress, the spirit of that measure has
continually governed me ; uninfluenced by any attempts to deter
or divert me from it.
After deliberate examination, with the aids of the best lights I could obtain, I was well satisfied that our country, under all the
circumstances of the case, had a right to take, and was bound in duty and interest to take, a neutral position. Having taken it, I
determined, as far as should depend upon me, to maintain it with moderation, perseverance and firmness.
The considerations which respect the right to hold this conduct, it is not necessary on this occasion to detail. I will only ob-
serve, that according to my understanding of the matter, that right, so far from being denied by any of the belligerent powers,
has been virtually admitted by all.
The duty of holding a neutral conduct may be inferred, without any thing more, from the obligation which justice and humanity
impose on every nation, in cases in which it is free to act, to maintain inviolate the relations of peace and amity towards other
nations.
The inducements of interest for observing that conduct, will best be referred to your own reflections and experience. With me, a predominant motive has been to endeavour to gain time to our country to settle and mature its yet recent institutions, and
to progress, without interruption, to that degree of strength and constancy, which is necessary to give it, humanely speaking, the
command of its own fortune.
Though in reviewing the incidents of my administration, I am unconscious of intentional error; I am nevertheless too sensible
of my defects not to think it probable that I may have committed many errors. Whatever they may be, I fervently beseech the
Almighty to avert or mitigate the evils to which they may tend.
1 shall also carry with me the hope that my country will never cease to view them with indulgence ; and that, after forty-five years of my life dedicated to its service, with an upright zeal, the faults of incompetent abilities will be consigned to oblivion, as myself must soon be to the mansions of rest.
Relying on its kindness in this as in other things, and actuated by that fervent love towards it, which is so natural to a man who
views in it the native soil of himself and his progenitors for several generations; I anticipate, with pleasing expectation, that re-
treat, in which I promise myself to realize, without alloy, the sweet enjoyment of partaking in the midst of my fellow citizens,
the benign influence of good laws, under a free government; the ever favorite object of my heart, and the happy reward, as I trust,
of our mutual cares, labors and dangers.
